Theoretical approaches in the study of the non-governmental, non-commercial sector in modern Russia

As part of a political system constituted by individuals and social groups, due to its pro publico bono activities, the non-governmental, non-commercial sector (also known as institutions of civil society) is usually referred to by different terms, both in foreign (English) and Russian languages. Since the Russian nongovernmental, non-commercial sector (некоммерческая неправительственная организация) is not identical to its Western variants, it exhibits a number of differences, the sources of which are both exogenous and endogenous conditions. The issue of the specificities of the non-governmental, non-commercial sector can be researched through a system analysis. The theoretical context for this method creates a new institutionalism, also called neo-institutionalism. In turn, the institutional analysis refers to such theories as systemic change and neo-corporatism as well as the theory of participation or political participation. What turned out to be indispensable were the models defining the conceptual framework for such phenomena as group theory - interest/pressure, or metapolitics, but with regard to its civil forms of participation. The abovementioned methods and stances prove the complexity of the presented subject - the multifaceted nature of the problem, where the exploratory field requires referring to research techniques and tools from many related disciplines. The issue of the non-governmental, non-commercial sector in contemporary Russia should be perceived as a specific phenomenon, primarily because this sector is developing, no matter what transformations of an internal nature occur. Its exploration requires using such theoretical approaches that will allow its mechanisms to be defined. Such an approach must include the specifics of the society and the state within which the social sector develops. Therefore the presentation of theoretical premises applied in research on non-governmental, non-commercial sector in today's Russia is the first step in diagnosing the phenomenon of the functioning of a non-governmental, non-commercial sector in the conditions of an authoritarian state

Events of August '91 as an expression of political disobedience in the process of shaping civil conduct

Civil disobedience is the attitude which in the 20th century proved to be the only effective form of resistance to authoritarian regimes. So it was in the case of the events of August ‘91 when the Soviet society objected to the activities of the State Committee on the State of Emergency. It would not have been possible without the reform programme known as perestroika initiated by the last USSR leader Mikhail Gorbachev. Thanks to perestroika and the accompanying glasnost - transparency of socio-political life - the previously apathetic and alienated Soviet society felt responsible for their own life and for the fate of the State. By opposing the rebels through passive resistance, the citizens proved to the leaders of their own country, to the world, and above all, to themselves that they were aware of their rights and responsibilities. The process of socio-political socialization stimulated the development of civil society in the Soviet Union

Optimization of the Control System Parameters with Use of the New Simple Method of the Largest Lyapunov Exponent Estimation.

This text covers application of Largest Lapunov Exponent (LLE) as a criterion for control performance assessment (CPA) in a simulated control system. The main task is to find a simple and effective method to search for the best configuration of a controller in a control system. In this context, CPA criterion based on calculation of LLE by means of a new method [3] is compared to classical CPA criteria used in control engineering [1]. Introduction contains references to previous publications on Lyapunov stability. Later on, description of classical criteria for CPA along with formulae is presented. Significance of LLE in control systems is explained. Moreover, new efficient formula for calculation of LLE [3] is shown. In the second part simulation of the control system used for experiment is described. The next part contains results of the simulation in which typical criteria for CPA are compared with criterion based on value of LLE. In the last part results of the experiment are summed up and conclusions are drawn

Numerical analysis of creation of the local concentrations of stresses in research of internal load of rooling bearings

W pracy przedstawiono wyniki analizy numerycznej powstawania lokalnych koncentracji naprężeń elementów tocznych w warunkach pracy. Obliczenia przeprowadzono dla elementów wykonanych z materiału idealnie sprężystego oraz z materiału sprężystoplastycznego z kinematycznym wzmocnieniem liniowym. W pracy zaprezentowano modelowanie strefy styku. Obliczenia wykonano, stosując MES, profesjonalny pakiet ANSYS.The paper presents the results of the numerical analysis of the local concentrations of stresses of rolling elements in working condition and process of modelling of the contact zone. Calculations were done for the elements made of the elastic-ideally plastic material and the elastic-plastic material with kinematic linear reinforcement using MES, professional package ANSYS

A new “gathering of Russian lands”: Russia’s return to imperialism

This article looks at the contemporary rebuilding of the sphere of influence of the Russian Federation, which covers the area of the so-called “near abroad”. The choice of the tactics results from the possible influence of the Russian state in this area. Thus, in addition to using the techniques of the so-called soft power, the catalogue includes primarily those activities that enable Russian decision-makers to manage conflict. The process of ‘claiming Russian land back’, initiated since the collapse of the bipolar system, should be interpreted as a political imperative to return to imperial politics. The instruments for their implementation were both traditionally understood leadership in the world, when the fate of all states and nations was decided by the greatest powers, to which Russia belonged from the first half of the nineteenth century. Another very effective tool for restoring the status quo ante of the ‘Russian empire’ turned out to be the ancient Roman strategy of divide et impera, an approach that has made it possible, from the very beginning, for the Russian Federation to strive to restore its hegemonic position in the territory of the countries that once formed the Soviet Union with it. The inability to impose sovereignty by such a soft influence or to inspire and extinguish potential conflicts has led to the armed assertion of its rights by Russia. Consequently, the policy adopted by Russian decision-makers may not only cause an armed conflict on a large European scale, but also other artificially induced cataclysms, difficult to predict, the consequences of which will have to be handled by the future generations

The forms of influence of the executive organs on the non-governmental organizations defending human rights in Russia between 1991 and 1999

The basic means of influence of the organs of Russian state authority upon the functioning of non-governmental organizations defending human rights is legislative activity. It was with the help of this acitvity that a base was built from the very beginning, thanks to which many non-governmental organizations could be revived or born. From the point of view of the Russian authorities, non-governmental human rights organizations occupy a special place, which has been perceived for 15 years not as support for the ruling elite in the difficult way of shaping a modern state and a democratic society, but as a threat to the functioning status quo. One cannot therefore not get the impression that the regulations concerning the third sector are primarily aimed at hindering or even preventing the activities of non-governmental organizations defending human rights. However, before the vector turned in the policy towards the third sector, in the first period of 1991-1999 we had a positive attitude of the state towards the development of the social sector. The presented article is designed to bring closer the first period of interaction between the state authorities and non-governmental organizations defending human rights, resulting in activities aiming to “regulate” the legal situation of the third sector in the Russian Federation

Features of the political leadership model in modern Russia

Reflection on political leadership is very important in the modern world. This is also relevant in the context of the political leadership in contemporary Russia, especially if we take into account a number of conditions affecting it. The aim of the article will be to trace the determinants that directly and indirectly affect the perception and functioning of political leadership in Russia, taking into account not only the issue of systemic change taking place in a specific socio-political and economic reality. Another element that will allow a closer look at the Russian model of political leadership will also be the political culture, the tradition of power and historical experiences. The third aspect, in a way complementing the spectrum of analysis of the leadership phenomenon in the Russian reality, will oscillate around the functions and tasks of the political leader of the Russian Federation, especially in the face of the challenges of the 21st century

Possibilities for cooperation between the non-governmental, non-commercial sector and the public sector in modern Russia

The model of three-sector synergy in a contemporary state rests on cooperation between the first (state) sector, the second (commercial) sector, and the third sector – the civil one, also referred to as the non-commercial sector. The quest for an optimal solution and the establishment of mutual relations is underpinned by the concept of the reorganization of Russian society with regard to its political modernization; this is accompanied by a variant of social agreement that guarantees citizens equality before the law, and the protection of their rights along with simultaneous compliance with the law. What complements the image of Russia’s contemporary reality is the goal of non-governmental, non-commercial organizations – not only to survive but also to develop a modus vivendi in the circumstances of an authoritarian state